BJP Rajya Sabha MP Samik Bhattacharya-a seasoned Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) member-has been entrusted with presidency of the party in West Bengal in the run-up to the assembly polls next year.
The appointment is being seen as recognition of his ability to act as a bridge between the old and new guards in the state unit and bringing a distinctly Bengali ideological sensibility to the political stage.
Known for his deep-rooted connection with Bengali culture-as a soft-spoken bhadralok who often quotes poets Shankha Ghosh and Shakti Chattopadhyay-Bhattacharya is seeking to reposition the BJP beyond personality-centric politics in the state.
In his first public addresses, Bhattacharya projected an inclusive vision: protecting Bengal’s plural identity, encouraging harmony between Hindus and Muslims and advocating education over violence. He urged “nationalist Muslims” to work alongside the BJP to counter radicalisation, signalling a conscious outreach beyond the party’s traditional base.
To BJP leaders and cadre, Bhattacharya’s message is clear: party before self. He has sent subtle signals of collaboration with veterans such as Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari and former Bengal BJP president Dilip Ghosh, stressing that the organisation is greater than any individual.
Bhattacharya has also called upon anti-Trinamool Congress parties, including the Left, to join forces to oust the Mamata Banerjee’s government in 2026. He appears eager to weave Bengali ethos into the BJP’s broader narrative, forging new alliances while reviving its grassroots vigour. Excerpts from an exclusive interview:
Q. You have taken charge at a critical time in Bengal. What is the blueprint you intend to follow in the run-up to assembly elections?
A. The BJP’s style of functioning is built on structure and continuity. We were already preparing a roadmap for January 2026. From there on, we will transition to our plan for April, when we expect the elections to take place. This process began even before I became state president. That is the strength of our organisational backbone-we move forward with consistency.
Q. How do you see the political situation on the ground?
A. What we’re dealing with in Bengal is multilayered. There’s one kind of leadership in this house (BJP) and quite another in the house across the street (Trinamool Congress). And there’s a difference. Bengal has a unique political grammar-Hindu Bengalis, Leftists, caste-based groups, Muslims, each with its own posture and anxieties.
We are confronting rampant illegal immigration. The Rohingyas have been systematically settled here. If this continues unchecked and the Trinamool returns to power through these tactics, then mark my words: what you saw in the Jammu and Kashmir assembly (such as most MLAs being Muslims) will be repeated in the West Bengal assembly. That is the situation unfolding before the people of Bengal. Even those who would never vote for the BJP-the traditional Left, the self-declared progressives-have begun to recognise the warning signs, especially after the recent events in Bangladesh.
Q. How do you see the Bangladesh situation?
A. We have seen bullets being fired. The leader of the Communist Party of Bangladesh-a Hindu-was the first to be murdered. Back home in Murshidabad, a Trinamool MLA’s family had to flee. These aren’t ideological talking points-these are lived realities.
Indira Gandhi, who created Bangladesh, is now dishonoured there-her effigy urinated upon. A library named after her was burnt down, destroying 70,000 books, including works by Abul Bashar, Badal Sircar and Bratya Basu. This is Islamist fascism, blinded by religion. Islamic fundamentalist forces-the same ones operating in Pakistan-are using Bangladesh as a launch-pad to spread their influence across India.
Q. How does all this impact Bengal?
A. What is unfolding in Kolkata should concern everyone-a city stripped of dignity, aesthetics and order. Lawlessness parades openly because the state government, propped up by fear rather than legitimacy, has no moral authority. If the government continues to act with such impunity-whether by claiming to be a welfare state or by adopting totalitarian tendencies-the outcome will be disastrous.
Look at Pakistan, the only country created explicitly in the name of religion. If that logic had prevailed globally, we wouldn’t have had 22 separate countries in the Arab League. Many of these nations aren’t exclusively Muslim. Those now cheering Pakistan from Bangladesh have forgotten history. In the Jessore Cantonment, over 150,000 women were raped. It’s a legacy of trauma carved into stone. And here we are, watching the West Bengal government turn a blind eye to these lessons.
It was always said about Bangladesh that “We are not separate in Dhaka and Kolkata”. We made films together, shared literature. We still do. But this bond is being sabotaged. From 1936 to 1949, East Pakistan faced constant upheaval. Syama Prasad Mookerjee, who wasn’t affiliated with any political party at the time, reached out to Subhas Chandra Bose and his brother Sarat Bose, seeking their help. Mookerjee had been an academic. But the worsening Hindu crisis drew him into politics.
Today, there is an exodus of capital and skill from Bengal. The highly educated are underpaid IT majdoors while their counterparts in Bengaluru, Chennai or Delhi thrive. The less-educated build Delhi’s buildings, run Noida’s kitchens and power Gurugram’s hotels, yet remain invisible in their own land.
There’s an identity crisis. People in Delhi’s posh Bengali neighbourhood, Chittaranjan Park, now hesitate to admit their roots. The cultural pride of Bengal has collapsed. And this rot is political, fuelled by bomb politics, civic volunteers-turned-enforcers and a complete absence of healthy public discourse.
Q. What has been the BJP’s response?
A. We aren’t doing anything extraordinary-we are just trying to restore order. But even that is seen as confrontation. The Trinamool Congress, without police and civic volunteers, cannot win even one election booth. They dominate not through popularity but intimidation. We are doing politics in this poisoned landscape. Still, we believe we can change Bengal’s political narrative just as Prime Minister Narendra Modi has changed India’s. Today, democracy is our religion and development our politics.
Muslim children in Bengal are being forced to migrate. Where are the children of Trinamool leaders like Javed Khan and Firhad Hakim studying? Abroad. Meanwhile, the poor are sent to Khariji madrasas or, worse still, handed stones and swords. That isn’t education; it’s indoctrination.
We appeal to everyone: social reform is non-negotiable. We must win people’s minds, not just votes. The BJP has never claimed to win 100 per cent support [of Hindus]. In many booths, we got just 5-7 votes. But we are growing. We’ve broken barriers in places like Kaliganj during the recent bypoll. Muslim voters, too, are realising that the BJP will be in power at the Centre for at least 20 more years. They now understand that the Centre is working for them, not treating them as vote-banks.
Q. You sound more receptive towards Muslims than Suvendu Adhikari, who has publicly called for Hindu consolidation and said that the BJP can win the Bengal polls without the support of Muslims.
A. What I and Suvendu Adhikari are saying are not contradictory. Suvendu is the Leader of the Opposition. He has been heckled, insulted, even manhandled, in Muslim-dominated areas. But we all want inclusive development and growth in Bengal. Even if the Muslims do not vote for us, our development must and will reach their homes.
Also, why am I referencing Bangladesh? Look at the silence surrounding gang-rapes there. Mujibur Rahman’s legacy is invoked, yet a chit fund operator-awarded the Nobel Prize-is now the head of their government. Meanwhile, Islamic fundamentalism is rising and no one speaks.
We are spreading this message across Bengal and beyond-that India is moving forward but Bengal is stuck. After Partition, Sindh was lost. Half of Punjab is gone. Bengal, too, lost half of itself. But Bengal will not be divided along religious lines again. This is a powerful movement. We do not want power for power’s sake. Bengal deserves a civilised society.
Q. Many Bengali-speaking migrant workers from Bengal are being labelled as Bangladeshis and deported. Secondly, the NREGA fund freeze by the Centre-stopping the funds didn’t help the BJP. The Lok Sabha poll results are proof of that.
A. The Centre cannot bypass court orders. Clause 27 of the MGNREGA Act justifies the freeze. Irregularities cannot be overlooked. The court has permitted the Centre to continue the investigations. Even the state has acknowledged in court that corruption occurred.
As for migrant labourers, I was the first to raise the issue. During my time as MLA of Basirhat Dakshin (September 2014 to May 2016), I spoke to several Trinamool leaders and ministers. I urged them to help labourers-mostly Muslims-facing hardships in southern Indian cities such as Chennai. No one did.
I finally asked these labourers if they would accept help from the local RSS. Their only problem was shelter. The RSS gave them food, even baby food for their children. These people came back and supported me in the state elections in 2016. I lost but because they had supported me, Trinamool goons razed their homes. This is why I say that Muslims are not safe under the Trinamool. A change is imminent in 2026.
Q. But is the BJP organisationally strong enough to take on the Trinamool? Will the party, for instance, be able to deploy booth agents everywhere?
A. The post-poll violence of 2021 certainly damaged our organisation. People got scared. But that’s no longer the case. In 2026, you will see that the BJP will have its men in most booths in Bengal. People are waiting to topple this government. The binary was set in 2019, and it held firm through the recent Kaliganj bypoll. The people have decided: the BJP will form the government in Bengal in 2026.