For more than three decades, Geelani personified the uncompromising face of separatist ideology, serving as Islamabad’s most dependable political ally in Jammu and Kashmir.
The death of Syed Ali Shah Geelani in September 2021 marked not only the passing of Kashmir’s most prominent separatist leader but also the symbolic closure of an era defined by Pakistan-sponsored proxy politics in the Valley. For more than three decades, Geelani personified the uncompromising face of separatist ideology, serving as Islamabad’s most dependable political ally in Jammu and Kashmir. His departure coincided with a remarkable shift in the region’s political trajectory—from insurgency towards deeper integration with the Indian mainstream.
Geelani: Symbol of Pakistan’s Proxy Politics
Geelani was unabashedly pro-Pakistan, famously declaring to his supporters: “We are Pakistani; Pakistan is ours.” Unlike other separatist leaders who at times engaged with New Delhi, he consistently refused dialogue unless India accepted Kashmir as a disputed territory with Pakistan as a stakeholder. This rigid stance cemented his status as Islamabad’s most reliable proxy in the Valley.
Pakistan’s patronage of Geelani was overt. Diplomats from Islamabad’s mission in New Delhi frequently met him, and in 2020 he was awarded the Nishan-e-Pakistan, the country’s highest civilian honour. His influence was visible on the ground. He masterminded prolonged shutdown calendars during the Amarnath land agitation of 2008, the 2010 unrest following the Machil encounter, and the mass protests after Burhan Wani’s killing in 2016. These mobilisations paralysed the Valley for months, but ultimately inflicted heavy economic costs on ordinary Kashmiris while yielding no political dividends.
Geelani began his political career in the 1970s, winning election to the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly three times from Sopore. After the controversial 1987 elections, he abandoned mainstream politics altogether. From then on, he became the ideological fountainhead of militancy in Kashmir. Analysts often referred to him as the intellectual architect of Kashmir’s armed resistance, citing his Islamist worldview and his absolute rejection of any outcome short of accession to Pakistan. This made him the enduring face of Pakistan’s proxy war.
The Decline of Separatist Appeal
Geelani’s death came at a time when separatist politics was already in terminal decline. Government data shows a 70% reduction in terrorist incidents following the abrogation of Article 370 in August 2019. Between 2004 and 2014, Jammu and Kashmir recorded 7,217 such incidents; from 2014 to 2024, the figure dropped to 2,242. Even more strikingly, organised stone-pelting—once the most visible form of separatist mobilisation—fell from an average of over 2,600 incidents annually between 2010 and 2014 to officially zero in 2024.
The separatist movement’s institutional base has also eroded. Since 2019, at least a dozen Hurriyat-linked groups—including the Jammu & Kashmir Mass Movement, Kashmir Freedom Front, and Islamic Political Party—have publicly renounced separatism and pledged allegiance to the Indian Constitution.
Recruitment into militant ranks has plummeted. At the height of unrest in the 1990s and again after 2016, local recruitments crossed 1,000 annually. By 2024, the number had dwindled to single digits, according to security sources. The same officials estimate that around 90% of young men who joined militancy in 2019–20 have been killed in operations, underscoring the futility of armed resistance. Meanwhile, infiltration attempts from across the Line of Control have fallen sharply, from nearly 500 in 2010 to under 50 in 2023, according to official data.
From Insurgency to Integration
The most compelling evidence of Kashmir’s transformation lies in democratic participation and development. The 2024 Assembly elections saw a 63.88% turnout, the highest in 33 years, with women outvoting men in many constituencies. This stands in stark contrast to the dismal 7.14% turnout in the 2017 Srinagar Lok Sabha bye-poll, reflecting how decisively public sentiment has shifted.
Economic revival adds to this picture. Jammu and Kashmir hosted a record 2.11 crore tourists in 2023, with numbers still climbing. Industrial investment proposals worth more than ₹12,000 crore have been received in the past decade, nearly matching the total investment of the previous 70 years. Grassroots governance has deepened, with more than 25,000 panchayat representatives actively involved in decision-making.
Infrastructure growth has accelerated. The Chenab Railway Bridge, the Zojila Tunnel, and rail expansion to Baramulla are transforming connectivity. Cultural life too shows signs of renewal: cinema halls now host night shows after decades, Janmashtami tableaux are once again staged in Srinagar’s Lal Chowk, and Tazia processions proceed without disruption—markers of normalcy that would have been unthinkable in Geelani’s time.
Institutional expansion underscores the shift. The establishment of AIIMS at Awantipora, new campuses of IIT and IIM in Jammu, and seven additional medical colleges reflect a long-term investment in education and healthcare infrastructure.
Final Thoughts
Pakistan’s waning influence, New Delhi’s assertive governance, and, above all, Kashmiris’ growing engagement with India’s democratic and economic mainstream have rendered the separatist project obsolete.
The transition from Geelani’s era of hartals and insurgency to today’s focus on governance and growth is more than a policy shift. It marks Kashmir’s definitive turn towards becoming a stakeholder in India’s future rather than a pawn in external designs. As Union Home Minister Amit Shah observed, separatism is indeed “breathing its last” in Kashmir. The Valley is no longer a theatre of proxy conflict, but a participant in India’s democratic story.
(Ashu Mann is an Associate Fellow at the Centre for Land Warfare Studies. He was awarded the Vice Chief of the Army Staff Commendation card on Army Day 2025. He is pursuing a PhD from Amity University, Noida, in Defence and Strategic Studies. His research focuses include the India-China territorial dispute, great power rivalry, and Chinese foreign policy.)
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