Air Vice Marshal Kapil Kak discusses Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, Gilgit-Baltistan, and China’s role, highlighting political unrest, cross-border terrorism, and the urgent need for India to combine diplomacy, military deterrence, and economic power.
A massive strike recently swept across Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoK), led by the Joint Awami Action Committee, bringing daily life to a standstill. Citizens demanded free healthcare, quality education, fair internet access, and the abolition of disputed refugee seats. Despite minor incidents, the protest remained largely peaceful, signaling rare unity beyond tribal and political divides and highlighting frustration over decades of failed governance, political neglect, and systemic marginalization.
In an exclusive conversation with Asianet News, Air Vice Marshal (Retd) Kapil Kak, a veteran of the Indian Air Force with over 35 years of service, shared insights into the deep-rooted issues plaguing PoK and the wider region.
Political Discontent in PoK
Recent protests in PoK and the withdrawal of support by the Pakistan Muslim League-N (PML-N) from the Islamabad-backed ruling government underscore deep-seated political unrest. Kak emphasized that this unrest is more than surface-level:
“First and foremost, the protests that we talk about, I link it with a question that you have raised, why there is not much political activity, and actually this may be a mask for deeper discontent within the people of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Economic deprivation, denial of certain rights, problems of education, healthcare, power, not meeting basic needs of the people… obviously, there’s much more discontent in PoK than there is in the rest of Pakistan.”
Kak highlighted the unique governance structure of PoK, noting that despite having a president, prime minister, and legislative assembly, the real control rests with Islamabad and the Pakistan army in Rawalpindi. This disjunction fuels distrust among the local population, as demonstrated by protests targeting the Pakistan army rather than the local government.
“PoK people know the local government has very limited powers. It doesn’t have the economic muscle, it doesn’t have the financial resources, so it can only do what’s given to them by Pakistan main state,” Kak explained.
He cited the Mangla Dam in Mirpur, where 85% of power generated goes to Punjab and Sindh, leaving locals frustrated.
“Very simple example: Mirpur generates 1,400 megawatts of power from Mangla Dam. Eighty-five percent of that power goes to Punjab and Sindh. It doesn’t go to Mirpur. So what are you expecting the Mirpuris to do? There’s an international dimension because Mirpuris have a strong presence in London, which gives them a say in what is happening to their parent home in Mirpur.”
Kak traced the roots of ongoing unrest to the Joint Awami Action Committee, formed in 2023, and noted:
“The purpose was to agitate for their economic, social, and political rights. In 2024, there was a massive unrest, but it was contained through communication blackouts, internet shutdowns, and curfew-like conditions. Promises made were partly fulfilled—power charges reduced, wheat prices lowered—but the discontent continues to sprout like beans. Gilgit-Baltistan also has discontent, but smaller population there allows better control by Pakistan.”
China’s Role and Strategic Concerns
Kak addressed the strategic implications of China’s involvement in PoK:
“You must not forget that the reason Pakistan gave the Shaksgam Valley—approximately 5,000 square kilometers—to China was, some say, for rare earths and water, but strategically it was to give Pakistan a leeway into Jammu and Kashmir. Pakistan had its leeway in Aksai Chin, which doesn’t directly involve Kashmir Valley or PoK. It was an intention to give the big brother some entry.”
He also pointed to the security challenges faced by Chinese workers in Pakistan:
“We know what is happening to the Chinese who have come into Pakistan to build the road and rail link from Gilgit-Baltistan to Gwadar. Many have been killed through direct actions by Balochistan insurgents. The Baloch are protesting because Pakistan exploits resources of Balochistan but does not share benefits with local people.”
India-Pakistan Strategic Dynamics
Discussing Pakistan’s broader security challenges, Kak explained:
“Pakistan is cornered into a security and strategic quagmire—Afghanistan on one side, India on the other, economy in doldrums, Balochistan unmanageable, PoK in arms, Gilgit-Baltistan grievances. The situation for Pakistan is grim.”
He also emphasized the challenges posed by the China-Pakistan nexus:
“We have Pakistan and China, two countries which are our neighbours, in cahoots. The Indian Air Force in Operation Sindoor was fighting one front with two countries. Russia has given us equipment but is not helping fight wars. China is not only giving Pakistan equipment but helping them in Op Sindoor to target our assets within India. It is a very serious security situation demanding diplomacy, creativity, military modernization, and exposure of the nexus on the international stage.”
On Cross-Border Terrorism and Deterrence
Kak discussed measures to counter Pakistan-supported terrorism from PoK. According to him, there are multiple ways by which Pakistan can be dissuaded. One is its internal security dimension. If Chinese are hesitant on CPEC due to targeting of personnel, that naturally buffers any damage. From our side, India has improved relations with China to counterbalance Pakistan.
The economic clout of India also serves as inducement for investment and strategic leverage. Once we have comprehensive national power—economic, knowledge, technological, military—the cross-border terrorism threshold is deterred, as evidenced by Operation Sindoor.
The Kashmir Question: Beyond Territory
While PoK is a focus, Kak also discussed the broader Kashmir issue within India. Stressing emotional integration alongside territorial control, he said:
“Integration is emotional. Integration is not a policy measure. The people of Jammu and Kashmir must feel that they are a part of India, and they must feel that in their hearts and minds.”
Kak acknowledged the complexities following the abrogation of Article 370, highlighting historical grievances:
“After the arrest of Sheikh Abdullah on 9th August 1953, all elections were rigged until 1997, when Farooq Abdullah returned to power after that horrific insurgency, which claimed 40,000–50,000 lives, including terrorists, civilians, and our security forces. What was that? I mean, we cannot brush aside what we went through from 1990—the tragedy of the Kashmiri Pandits. I am a Kashmiri Pandit. Three lakh people remain refugees in their own country. Why? And what have we done about it? This is a 35-year-old story.”
He argued that the restoration of statehood and a more inclusive, democratic approach by the central government could help address the psychological and political alienation of Kashmiri youth.
“Restoration of the statehood of J&K should be the highest priority, because there has been no major, no major setback to security situation in J&K as a result of coming in of a democratic party duly elected by people, being in power. I have tried my best to explain to you how the J&K issue is an extremely complex issue. It will need support of the people of J&K, it will need an imaginative policy by the center, and the rest of Indian people, for whom Kashmir is theirs.”
“Kashmir is not just territory, Kashmiris also people of Kashmir. And you know how they are all over. You go to any corner of India, there’s always a Kashmiri present, either a carpet seller or a hotel or business. It’s all in their hands. So they’re so much a part of us, as, as you rightly said, integral part of India, but they must be emotionally and psychologically made to feel an integral part of India,” Kak added.